Atlantik Bruecke Canada regularly initiaties research to help strengthen the binational relationship.
By Pierre-Olivier Pineau (2022)
Germany is the 5th largest economy in the world and Canada the 5th largest energy
producer. Their strong relationship and common values can help them build on their complementarities to work on the energy transition they both want to realize. With 80 million, Germany has twice the population of Canada, and an even larger gross domestic product (GDP). Despite these two important energy demand drivers, the German energy consumption is only just slightly greater than the Canadian one. It is also on a decreasing trajectory, in absolute terms, while the Canadian energy consumption continues to grow. Greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions follow a similar path. These two differences, in energy intensity and trend, should not eclipse the fact that the final energy consumption in Germany and Canada relies on a similar mix of energy types (about 45% of oil products, 25% of natural gas, 20% of electricity, with biofuels, waste and coal making up the remaining shares). In addition, energy consumption in the two countries is distributed very similarly across sectors: about 25% in industry, 30% in transport, around 20% in the residential sector, 12% in the commercial sector, 3% in agriculture and 10% in non-energy uses.
By Stephen M. Saideman (2022)
This briefing paper raises a series of questions and, where possible, draws distinctions between the Canadian and German outlooks. The Russian invasion of Ukraine has shifted expectations and altered domestic political calculations. Much is in flux, so this paper addresses a series of central issues, raising questions, but not providing definitive answers. The first question raises the challenge of how does NATO provide security for its members while not encouraging Russia (and others) to attack non-members. This naturally leads to the question of enlargement—whether and which countries should join NATO. The paper then considers the greatest threat to NATO: a hostile American president. I then consider the limits of expanding NATO’s competence to non-military issues and to addressing the threat posted by China. This leads to a key theme here—that NATO is a military alliance, and asking it to do more than that may be problematic. I outline what NATO cannot do, including constraints on being an alliance of democracies. Finally, I consider whether Canada and Germany are on the same page or not, and mostly conclude that these two countries do not differ that much on NATO’s future.